Written by: Rasim Belko
“Today, I can confirm once again: every minute of this fight is worth it, every single one.
Regardless of all the insults, lies, and setups, every minute pays off.”
Elmedin Konaković, bivši član SDA, a sadašnji lider stranke Narod i Pravda, te ministar vanjskih poslova Bosne i Hercegovine, svojevremeno se deklarirao kao nepokolebljivi borac protiv korupcije i kriminala. Tvrdio je da će svaka minuta njegove borbe donijeti promjenu. Pet godina kasnije, čini se da se njegova borba isplatila – ne za građane, već za njega i uži krug njegovih suradnika i prijatelja.
From the start of his political career, Konaković built his image as a reformer, criticizing former SDA colleagues for corruption and nepotism. One of his favorite targets was ZOI 84, the company managing the Zetra arena and Bjelašnica ski resort.
He accused them of irregularities, spoke about outdated cash registers without receipts, and referred to the infamous “smuggled calf” as a symbol of goods sold outside legal frameworks.
However, signs that Konaković is not what he claims to be were evident from the early days when Narod i Pravda began taking control of political and systemic levers. The hunter has become the hunted, and judging by the rapid accumulation of scandals and the seriousness of allegations, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s judiciary must take the hunt much more seriously.
When former Minister of Public Utilities of Sarajevo Canton, Almir Bečarević, accused Konaković of pressuring Minister Bošnjak to allow further construction on Bjelašnica, the propaganda bubble of Konaković as Sarajevo’s “Eliot Ness” burst.
Konaković, who once warned political rivals, “Brace yourselves, we’re coming,” while promising to reveal documentation from public companies and institutions, exposed his nervousness in the face of investigative actions with a single reaction.
In response to Bečarević’s accusations, which were presented to investigators and the public, Konaković, in the manner of an old-school enforcer, threatened to release Bečarević’s medical records. For context, let us remind you: this is the same Konaković whom European diplomats recently praised for his progress on the EU path. Yet, Konaković demonstrated just how little he knows about the EU, let alone its values.
This is not the first time the leader of Narod i Pravda has faced accusations of criminal activity.
His current coalition partner, the SDP of Bosnia and Herzegovina, openly accused Konaković in 2017 of a debt owed by his private company, “Sport Centar,” to ZOI 84 and the removal of television sets. What happened to that debt and equipment remains unknown to the public.
Scandals Over Promises
Konaković’s political mantra, “Brace yourselves, we’re coming,” sounded like a promise to combat corruption. Instead, his tenure as Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Foreign Minister will be remembered for numerous press conferences and media appearances where he defended his friends and himself from allegations of wrongdoing.
After revelations of Konaković’s alleged contacts with the “Tito and Dino” super-cartel, the “Black Tie” operation that led to the arrest of close associates, and the Incitat operation where he was implicated in pressuring Minister Bošnjak, Konaković found himself at the center of yet another scandal.
The latest scandal, overshadowing previous ones, concerns the failed EU-Western Balkans Summit in Neum. A company owned by the daughter of Konaković’s godfather won the tender for organizing the event, only for the competition’s appeal to nullify the decision. The summit, a symbol of diplomatic significance for Bosnia and Herzegovina, turned into an international embarrassment.
Once again, Konaković had to “clean up.”
While the Foreign Minister and Narod i Pravda leader claimed he had no involvement in the summit’s organization and did not plan to attend, the key question remains: How did a company with no relevant experience win the contract? Did Konaković, directly or indirectly, influence the selection of the contractor?
It doesn’t matter whether Minister Konaković planned to attend the summit or not. What matters is that the individuals responsible for its organization were people he trusted, including, among others, the Chief of Staff of the Foreign Minister’s office.
The real question, therefore, is not whether Konaković should have been at the summit but who “smuggled the calf” of the tender and tried to award the contract to a company far less qualified than its competitors.
That’s the answer the public demands.
And once the judiciary provides it, the public will understand how the self-proclaimed “eradicator of crime” Konaković transformed into a political figure burdened by escalating scandals.
From Bjelašnica, where the construction mafia is paving over forests, to international debacles like the summit in Neum.
Sarajevo’s smog may obscure many traces, but one thing is clear: answers about tenders, scandals, and questionable deals cannot be avoided forever. Who really “smuggled the tendered calf,” and in whose interest? That’s the question we’re waiting to have answered!
